The Question that Guided the Past Thirty Years-and the Question that will Guide the Next

Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of Korean Sharing Movement

The Korean Sharing Movement (KSM) was founded thirty years ago, on June 21, 1996. It was a time when North Korea's food crisis, known as the "Arduous March," was drawing international attention. International organizations warned that countless people in North Korea were facing a threat to their very survival. Against this backdrop, South Korean society stood at a crossroads, confronted with a defining question: "Should South Korea turn away from the suffering of fellow Koreans because of political and ideological differences?" KSM’s answer was clear: "No. We cannot turn away from the suffering of our own people." The movement brought together people from across South Korean society, including religious leaders, civil society organizations, and voices from both the conservative and progressive camps. Although they differed in their political views and ideologies, they were united by two shared convictions: that no one should be left to starve, and that one day the path toward reconciliation and peace could be opened. In 1997, a nationwide campaign to support North Koreans, organized in partnership with The Hankyoreh, drew contributions from well over one million people.

Looking back, the founding of KSM thirty years ago was more than the launch of a humanitarian initiative. It marked a historic turning point, one in which North Koreans—who had long been viewed primarily through the lens of division, hostility, and confrontation—began to be seen anew not as enemies, but as neighbors. This shift in perspective helped reshape South Korea's understanding of North Korea and, in turn, influenced the course of inter-Korean relations. Over the past thirty years, KSM has been much more than a humanitarian aid organization. What began with emergency relief and food assistance gradually evolved into a broad range of cooperative initiatives, including agriculture, public health, forest restoration, and joint malaria prevention. As its work grew, KSM expanded into people-to-people exchanges between North and South Korea, peace education, policy research, and solidarity with overseas Koreans. Throughout this journey, KSM has sought to integrate humanitarian assistance, development cooperation, and peacebuilding, pioneering a civil society–led model of inter-Korean cooperation.

KSM's work has always transcended the transfer of assistance. Rather, it has been about connecting people, fostering mutual understanding, and rebuilding relationships that had long been severed. Farmers on cooperative farms in North Korea worked alongside South Korean agricultural experts to improve farming practices, while doctors and other medical professionals from both Koreas worked together in hospitals and local clinics to strengthen healthcare. These encounters created opportunities for peace on the Korean Peninsula. They helped lay the foundation for landmark developments in inter-Korean relations, including the inter-Korean summits, the opening of the Mount Kumgang Tourism Project and the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and countless exchanges that brought people from North and South together. Although periods of tension and confrontation repeatedly disrupted this progress, they also demonstrated that dialogue and cooperation can create real opportunities for peace. Yet our limitations were equally evident. Peace could not be achieved through a handful of agreements or a few inter-Korean summits alone. Whenever inter-Korean relations deteriorated, years of hard-earned progress in cooperation became vulnerable to reversal. Civil society exchanges and cooperation, too, could not remain insulated from the shifting political climate. Above all, we were unable to build a broad and enduring foundation of mutual understanding and trust between the people of North and South Korea. Following the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang in September 2018, South Korean Minister of National Defense Song Young-moo and North Korean Minister of the People's Armed Forces No Kwang-chol exchanged the Agreement on the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain. However, these agreements ultimately failed to bring about lasting peace. (Source: Republic of Korea Policy Briefing)

The Question that Guided the Past Thirty Years-and the Question that will Guide the Next

Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of Korean Sharing Movement

The Korean Sharing Movement (KSM) was founded thirty years ago, on June 21, 1996. It was a time when North Korea's food crisis, known as the "Arduous March," was drawing international attention. International organizations warned that countless people in North Korea were facing a threat to their very survival. Against this backdrop, South Korean society stood at a crossroads, confronted with a defining question: "Should South Korea turn away from the suffering of fellow Koreans because of political and ideological differences?" KSM’s answer was clear: "No. We cannot turn away from the suffering of our own people." The movement brought together people from across South Korean society, including religious leaders, civil society organizations, and voices from both the conservative and progressive camps. Although they differed in their political views and ideologies, they were united by two shared convictions: that no one should be left to starve, and that one day the path toward reconciliation and peace could be opened. In 1997, a nationwide campaign to support North Koreans, organized in partnership with The Hankyoreh, drew contributions from well over one million people.

Looking back, the founding of KSM thirty years ago was more than the launch of a humanitarian initiative. It marked a historic turning point, one in which North Koreans—who had long been viewed primarily through the lens of division, hostility, and confrontation—began to be seen anew not as enemies, but as neighbors. This shift in perspective helped reshape South Korea's understanding of North Korea and, in turn, influenced the course of inter-Korean relations. Over the past thirty years, KSM has been much more than a humanitarian aid organization. What began with emergency relief and food assistance gradually evolved into a broad range of cooperative initiatives, including agriculture, public health, forest restoration, and joint malaria prevention. As its work grew, KSM expanded into people-to-people exchanges between North and South Korea, peace education, policy research, and solidarity with overseas Koreans. Throughout this journey, KSM has sought to integrate humanitarian assistance, development cooperation, and peacebuilding, pioneering a civil society–led model of inter-Korean cooperation.

KSM's work has always transcended the transfer of assistance. Rather, it has been about connecting people, fostering mutual understanding, and rebuilding relationships that had long been severed. Farmers on cooperative farms in North Korea worked alongside South Korean agricultural experts to improve farming practices, while doctors and other medical professionals from both Koreas worked together in hospitals and local clinics to strengthen healthcare. These encounters created opportunities for peace on the Korean Peninsula. They helped lay the foundation for landmark developments in inter-Korean relations, including the inter-Korean summits, the opening of the Mount Kumgang Tourism Project and the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and countless exchanges that brought people from North and South together. Although periods of tension and confrontation repeatedly disrupted this progress, they also demonstrated that dialogue and cooperation can create real opportunities for peace. Yet our limitations were equally evident. Peace could not be achieved through a handful of agreements or a few inter-Korean summits alone. Whenever inter-Korean relations deteriorated, years of hard-earned progress in cooperation became vulnerable to reversal. Civil society exchanges and cooperation, too, could not remain insulated from the shifting political climate. Above all, we were unable to build a broad and enduring foundation of mutual understanding and trust between the people of North and South Korea. Following the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang in September 2018, South Korean Minister of National Defense Song Young-moo and North Korean Minister of the People's Armed Forces No Kwang-chol exchanged the Agreement on the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration in the Military Domain. However, these agreements ultimately failed to bring about lasting peace. (Source: Republic of Korea Policy Briefing)

The System of War and Peace on the Korean Peninsula

By Dr. Dong Jin Kim Policy Research Fellow, Korean Sharing Movement Kim Dae Jung Chair Professor of Peace Studies, Hanshin University

Right now, out there in the world, people are lying awake through the night, terrified by the sound of explosions. In the spring of 2026, the skies over the Middle East were once again filled with smoke. Since 2024, Gaza has experienced the tragedy of mass killing, leaving deep wounds across the region. Before those wounds even had a chance to heal, the United States and Israel launched airstrikes on Iran. Bombs fell at the very moment diplomatic negotiations were still underway, causing the deaths of thousands of civilians. At first glance, these events may seem distant from everyday life here in South Korea. Yet they are not nearly as far removed from us as we might prefer to believe. Living Within the System of War Iain Atack, a scholar of peace studies, claims that wars are not a series of isolated events, but part of a broad system. He explains that just as an understanding of sustainable peace requires a distinction between peace-building and peace-making, an understanding of the war system likewise demands a distinction between war-building and war-making. As long as investment in war-building through arms production, military training, and the expansion of military bases continues, the possibility of war-making always remains present. War is not a sudden incident; it is the product of investments and political will accumulated over decades within social, economic, and political structures. According to the latest report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), global military expenditure reached 2.8 trillion USD in 2025, marking the eleventh consecutive year of record-breaking growth. Military spending now accounts for 2.5 per cent of global GDP, the highest level since 2009. The United States, China, and Russia alone account for 51 per cent of total global military expenditure, pouring a combined 1.48 trillion USD into military spending. Meanwhile, military spending across Europe surged by 14 percent in a single year, reaching its highest level since the end of the Cold War. Within this vast global system of war, it is imperative to reflect on the position that South Korea occupies within it.

South Korea ranked 9th among the world’s arms exporters from 2021 to 2025 (Source: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute)

In 2025, South Korea’s defense exports reached 15.4 billion USD, marking an increase of more than 60 percent from the previous year. Some projections suggest that the figure could exceed 27 billion USD in 2026. The combined order backlog of the country’s four major defense companies has already surpassed 95 billion USD. From tanks deployed across the plains of Poland to surface-to-air missile systems operating in the Middle East, Korean-made weapons are now embedded in battlefields around the world. While people continue to die in war zones, defense stocks rise on the Korean stock market. The media describes this as a “renaissance” of the defense industry, while financial analysts celebrate it as a leading engine of national growth. These figures and slogans compel South Korea to confront what they imply. Even without directly engaging in armed conflict, the country is already deeply embedded within the global systems that sustain war. The moment the wars of others are framed as an “opportunity” for economic growth, South Korea ceases to stand outside violence as a distant observer and instead becomes a contributor to the very structures that reproduce war. Just as none of us is entirely free from responsibility for carbon emissions in the face of the climate crisis, we must also reflect on our own responsibility within the global war system. War must never become a means of profit. The Question of Humanization: From Bethlehem to the Korean Peninsula At least for a time, war may appear profitable because it succeeds in turning “others” into something less than human. Through the process of dehumanization, their deaths are reduced to numbers and statistics. In the pursuit of our own interests, their suffering gradually fades from view. On Christmas Eve in 2023, Rev. Munther Isaac of the Lutheran Church in Bethlehem delivered a sermon before a nativity scene placed amid rubble, drawing global attention. Speaking about the mass killing of Palestinians, he remarked that he was, in some ways, even more concerned for Israelis themselves. By participating in and becoming complicit in mass violence, he argued, they were eroding their own humanity. “To those complicit in this massacre,” he asked, “will you ever be able to restore your humanity?” It was a question that resonated more deeply than the sound of bombs themselves. This question is not directed only at Israel and Palestine. It is a question addressed to every society embedded within systems of war. There are people dying in conflicts tied, directly or indirectly, to South Korea’s economic interests. They appear in our export figures, yet remain absent from our moral field of vision. When a society repeatedly profits from the suffering of others, what does it begin to lose of itself? As defense stocks continue to rise, the price we pay may not simply be economic, but the erosion of our shared humanity. How, then, can we resist systems of war while preserving our humanity? From the perspective of peace studies, the answer to this question may be approached on two levels: peace-making, which seeks to bring specific wars to an end, and peace-building, which seeks to replace systems of war with relationships and structures grounded in peace. While war-building is sustained through the production of weapons, the expansion of military bases, and rising military expenditure, peace-building is sustained through trust-building, humanitarian cooperation, and the expansion of dialogue and cooperation. While peace-making seeks to establish minimal peace through armistices and peace agreements, peace-building cultivates relationships between people by reminding us of our own humanity while recognizing the humanity of others. Just as dehumanization enables the persistence of war, humanization opens the possibility for lasting peace. Since the Korean War, both North and South Korea have socialised successive generations to view one another as less than human. In South Korea, in particular, it was not long ago that students were taught in schools to portray North Koreans as “devils,” even though they are not. They were once our neighbours, and more than that, our family. Recovering this simple truth is essential both to building peace on the Korean Peninsula and to resisting the system of war. Recovering this simple truth is essential both to building peace on the Korean Peninsula and to resisting the system of war. In this regard, the Korean Sharing Movement has demonstrated such efforts through its humanitarian approach to inter-Korean cooperation. Beyond emergency relief, the organization has carried out cooperation projects in agriculture and public health. At the same time, it has advanced policy advocacy for inter-Korean exchange and helped build networks of solidarity both domestically and internationally. Amid a structure that continues to identify North Korea as the enemy, these practices represent efforts to place people before ideology. Indeed, they constitute concrete forms of peace-building that challenge the logic of the war system and serve as peaceful resistance to the system itself. From War-Building to Peace-Building In March 2026, the South Korean government established the Fifth Basic Plan for the Development of Inter-Korean Relations, grounded in the principle of peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. It was, in many ways, a declaration that peace should be treated not merely as a political instrument, but as an end in itself. Yet amid the intensifying wars unfolding across the world, the reality is far more contradictory. Both North and South Korea continue to orient their national interests toward the economic benefits generated by the global war system, rather than toward a broader vision of peaceful coexistence that includes not only the Korean Peninsula but also the lives of people beyond it. Korean Sharing Movement was founded in 1996, at a time when North Korea’s severe food crisis was becoming known to the world outside. Its founding brought together the six major religious traditions, along with leading civil society organizations. The purpose of its founding was clear: to move beyond hostility and confrontation between the two Koreas, and to realise reconciliation and coexistence through humanitarian cooperation and exchange. At its core, this was not a political calculation, but a genuine response to human suffering.

Founding assembly of the Korean Sharing Movement (Source: Korean Sharing Movement)

As Korean Sharing Movement marks its 30th anniversary this year, efforts to respond to human suffering can no longer remain confined to the Korean Peninsula. Indeed, it is time for this commitment to grow into a broader global movement that stands with people living through war and conflict around the world. It is evident that the wars in the Middle East and the tensions on the Korean Peninsula are deeply interconnected. In fact, the war system does not stop at borders. Solidarity with the children of Gaza is inseparable from the pursuit of peace on the Korean Peninsula. Responding to the suffering of civilians not only in the Middle East, but across conflict zones around the world, is closely connected to the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia. Even those living amid wars in which South Korean-made weapons are involved are people to whom we bear a shared human responsibility. When civil societies across different conflict regions share their experiences, support one another, and build networks of human solidarity, they begin to dismantle the logic of the war system and lay the foundations for peace. It may seem, if only for a moment, that wars generate profit. Yet the logic of dehumanization ultimately leads humanity toward its own destruction. In this context, the question posed by Rev. Munther Isaac must also be directed at us. In an age when defense stocks continue to rise and arms orders surpass 85 billion USD, recovering our humanity has become one of the defining moral challenges of our time. Seventy-six years have passed since the outbreak of the Korean War. Yet the war has never truly ended. Even amid this unfinished war, civil society movements on the Korean Peninsula, including the Korean Sharing Movement, have continued to embody the values of care and sustain the practice of peace. Now, in the face of a global war system, we are confronted with a profound choice: whether to remain participants in that system, or to become those who resist it through the practice of peace. On the Korean Peninsula and across the world, the future of peace ultimately depends on whether we are still capable of recognizing one another as human beings, here and now.

© 2026 Korean Sharing Movement. All rights reserved.

War Hurts Us All

By Austin Headrick American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)

War hurts us all. It always has. As President Dwight Eisenhower said nearly three years into the Korean War, “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed.” The millions of Koreans who experienced the destructive costs of the Korean War know this truth acutely. Seventy-six years later, the cost—in lives and dollars—spent on that war has not produced peace for Koreans. Today, the billions of dollars and thousands of lives taken by the U.S. and Israel’s illegal war against Iran will not produce peace for the people of Iran or the rest of the world. We must use our voice to say no to more wars. This war is illegal On February 27, 2026, the U.S. and Israel launched airstrikes on cities across Iran, killing Iranian leader Ali Khamenei and hundreds of civilians. Just one day earlier, Oman's foreign minister had announced a diplomatic breakthrough: Iran had agreed to stop stockpiling enriched uranium and to accept full verification by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). An agreement was within reach. Talks were scheduled to resume on March 2. Then the United States and Israel began a war without Congressional approval. The IAEA confirmed there was no evidence of Iran building a nuclear bomb and urged the return to diplomacy and negotiations. This war did not happen because diplomacy failed. It happened because the U.S. abandoned diplomacy. The war against Iran is illegal under both U.S. and international law and opposed by most people in the United States. President Trump bypassed Congress and began this war without authorization—an executive war-making precedent set by Truman at the start of the Korean War. In 1950, Truman sent U.S. troops to Korea without a congressional declaration of war, calling it a "police action" rather than a war. That decision cost 3 million lives and set a precedent that presidents have since used to wage war without the consent of the American people or their representatives. Trump is following the same playbook—and the consequences, as Koreans know too well, can last for decades. The Trump administration's disregard for the rule of law endangers all of us. The war costs too much Koreans are already paying for this war through reduced crude oil imports, historic stock market drops, and rising grocery bills, heating bills, and gas prices. On top of this, the U.S. has taken the THAAD missile defense system—the system that cost Korea $7.5 billion in economic damage when China retaliated in 2017—out of Korea and redeployed it to the Middle East to fight a war Koreans never asked for Among the administration's claims justifying the attacks against Iran was the need to intervene following the Iranian government's killing of thousands of its own citizens in the streets in January. Such horrific state violence is abhorrent. As a Quaker advocate of peace, I mourn this loss of life. I must hold two truths in tension: that the Iranian regime committed brutal acts, and this war is illegal and catastrophic. The Trump administration's claims about helping the Iranian people fall flat when the U.S. government is dropping bombs on over 600 Iranian schools and hospitals and the President is threatening that "a whole civilization will die" in Iran. In five weeks, U.S. and Israeli strikes have killed over 1600 civilians and displaced millions of people. Bombing Iranian civilians does not help people—it kills them. Koreans have seen this story unfold before. An estimated 3 million people, approximately 20 percent of the population on the Korean Peninsula, were killed in the Korean War. American bombers targeted "everything that moved in North Korea, every brick standing on top of another," according to senior State Department official Dean Rusk. Both Koreas were left in devastation and destitution. The Korean War has cost the U.S. and South Korea over a trillion dollars over the past 76 years. South Korea spends $1 billion annually just to host 28,500 U.S. troops. Now we hear the Pentagon tell Congress that the first week of the Iran war cost more than $11.3 billion, then requested $200 billion more from American taxpayers. Trump then requested warships from South Korea and other allies (though he was dissatisfied with their response). All that money spent on war has not and will not bring peace—not to Korea nor to Iran. War takes resources away from caring for the elderly, educating children, housing families, and providing infrastructure. No one wins in war because war hurts us all. What we can do Sixty-one percent of people in the U.S. oppose the war against Iran. This is the most unpopular U.S. war has ever been at its inception. In South Korea, 55 percent oppose their government's support of the war, and 89 percent worry the war will continue. This is an opportunity to turn opposition into action. Because Koreans are bearing many costs from this war, they have justification to urge their government to refuse further involvement and support an end to the war. The National Assembly has constitutional authority over overseas military deployments. Civil society can advocate that lawmakers exercise that authority by standing firm that there will be no Korean naval deployment to the Strait of Hormuz and no transfer of Korean-made weapons systems to countries participating in this war. Spain has given a powerful example of what principled refusal looks like by denying the U.S. use of its military bases and closing its airspace to U.S. aircraft involved in strikes against Iran, even under threat of trade retaliation. South Korea can and should follow that example. Civil society must ask for more than refusal, they must call for peace. A fragile two-week ceasefire was reached on April 8, but it is already at risk of collapse. We must all call on our elected leaders to support a permanent ceasefire. How many more lives and how much more money are we willing to spend on a legacy of wars that prove, time and again, that war hurts us all? ※Austin Headrick is the Public Education and Advocacy Coordinator for Asia at American Friends Service Committee. Prior to joining AFSC, Austin lived in South Korea for seven years, working on peace education. Austin obtained an MA in Korean Studies from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul.

© 2026 Korean Sharing Movement. All rights reserved.

War Hurts Us All

By Austin Headrick American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)

War hurts us all. It always has. As President Dwight Eisenhower said nearly three years into the Korean War, “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed.” The millions of Koreans who experienced the destructive costs of the Korean War know this truth acutely. Seventy-six years later, the cost—in lives and dollars—spent on that war has not produced peace for Koreans. Today, the billions of dollars and thousands of lives taken by the U.S. and Israel’s illegal war against Iran will not produce peace for the people of Iran or the rest of the world. We must use our voice to say no to more wars. This war is illegal On February 27, 2026, the U.S. and Israel launched airstrikes on cities across Iran, killing Iranian leader Ali Khamenei and hundreds of civilians. Just one day earlier, Oman's foreign minister had announced a diplomatic breakthrough: Iran had agreed to stop stockpiling enriched uranium and to accept full verification by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). An agreement was within reach. Talks were scheduled to resume on March 2. Then the United States and Israel began a war without Congressional approval. The IAEA confirmed there was no evidence of Iran building a nuclear bomb and urged the return to diplomacy and negotiations. This war did not happen because diplomacy failed. It happened because the U.S. abandoned diplomacy. The war against Iran is illegal under both U.S. and international law and opposed by most people in the United States. President Trump bypassed Congress and began this war without authorization—an executive war-making precedent set by Truman at the start of the Korean War. In 1950, Truman sent U.S. troops to Korea without a congressional declaration of war, calling it a "police action" rather than a war. That decision cost 3 million lives and set a precedent that presidents have since used to wage war without the consent of the American people or their representatives. Trump is following the same playbook—and the consequences, as Koreans know too well, can last for decades. The Trump administration's disregard for the rule of law endangers all of us. The war costs too much Koreans are already paying for this war through reduced crude oil imports, historic stock market drops, and rising grocery bills, heating bills, and gas prices. On top of this, the U.S. has taken the THAAD missile defense system—the system that cost Korea $7.5 billion in economic damage when China retaliated in 2017—out of Korea and redeployed it to the Middle East to fight a war Koreans never asked for Among the administration's claims justifying the attacks against Iran was the need to intervene following the Iranian government's killing of thousands of its own citizens in the streets in January. Such horrific state violence is abhorrent. As a Quaker advocate of peace, I mourn this loss of life. I must hold two truths in tension: that the Iranian regime committed brutal acts, and this war is illegal and catastrophic. The Trump administration's claims about helping the Iranian people fall flat when the U.S. government is dropping bombs on over 600 Iranian schools and hospitals and the President is threatening that "a whole civilization will die" in Iran. In five weeks, U.S. and Israeli strikes have killed over 1600 civilians and displaced millions of people. Bombing Iranian civilians does not help people—it kills them. Koreans have seen this story unfold before. An estimated 3 million people, approximately 20 percent of the population on the Korean Peninsula, were killed in the Korean War. American bombers targeted "everything that moved in North Korea, every brick standing on top of another," according to senior State Department official Dean Rusk. Both Koreas were left in devastation and destitution. The Korean War has cost the U.S. and South Korea over a trillion dollars over the past 76 years. South Korea spends $1 billion annually just to host 28,500 U.S. troops. Now we hear the Pentagon tell Congress that the first week of the Iran war cost more than $11.3 billion, then requested $200 billion more from American taxpayers. Trump then requested warships from South Korea and other allies (though he was dissatisfied with their response). All that money spent on war has not and will not bring peace—not to Korea nor to Iran. War takes resources away from caring for the elderly, educating children, housing families, and providing infrastructure. No one wins in war because war hurts us all. What we can do Sixty-one percent of people in the U.S. oppose the war against Iran. This is the most unpopular U.S. war has ever been at its inception. In South Korea, 55 percent oppose their government's support of the war, and 89 percent worry the war will continue. This is an opportunity to turn opposition into action. Because Koreans are bearing many costs from this war, they have justification to urge their government to refuse further involvement and support an end to the war. The National Assembly has constitutional authority over overseas military deployments. Civil society can advocate that lawmakers exercise that authority by standing firm that there will be no Korean naval deployment to the Strait of Hormuz and no transfer of Korean-made weapons systems to countries participating in this war. Spain has given a powerful example of what principled refusal looks like by denying the U.S. use of its military bases and closing its airspace to U.S. aircraft involved in strikes against Iran, even under threat of trade retaliation. South Korea can and should follow that example. Civil society must ask for more than refusal, they must call for peace. A fragile two-week ceasefire was reached on April 8, but it is already at risk of collapse. We must all call on our elected leaders to support a permanent ceasefire. How many more lives and how much more money are we willing to spend on a legacy of wars that prove, time and again, that war hurts us all? ※Austin Headrick is the Public Education and Advocacy Coordinator for Asia at American Friends Service Committee. Prior to joining AFSC, Austin lived in South Korea for seven years, working on peace education. Austin obtained an MA in Korean Studies from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul.

© 2026 Korean Sharing Movement. All rights reserved.